M is the deliberative framework; rules, principles or institutions R; I the (hypothetical) people in the original position or the state of nature who enter into the social contract; and I are the individuals in the real world who follow the social contract.  In his rocks, the Buddhist king Asoka is said to have spoken in favour of a broad and extensive social contract. The Buddhist Vinaya also reflects the social contracts expected by the monks; Such a case is when the people of a particular city complain of monks cutting down saka trees, the Buddha tells his monks that they must stop and give way to social norms. Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679) was the first modern philosopher to articulate a detailed contractual theory. According to Hobbes, the lives of individuals in the state of nature were “lonely, poor, wicked, brutal and short”, a state where self-interest and the absence of rights and contracts prevented society or society. Life was “anarchic” (without leadership or concept of sovereignty). Individuals in the state of nature were apolitical and antisocial. This situation is followed by the social contract. Philip Pettit (1945) argued in Republicanism: A Theory of Freedom and Government (1997) that the theory of the social contract, which is classically based on the approval of the governed, should be modified. Instead of arguing for explicit consent that can always be produced, Pettit argues that the absence of effective rebellion against it is the only legitimacy of a treaty.
Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778) described, in his powerful treatise The Social Contract of 1762, another version of the theory of social contract as the basis of political rights based on unlimited popular sovereignty. Although Rousseau wrote that the British were perhaps the freest people in the world at the time, he did not accept their representative government. Rousseau believed that freedom was only possible if the people as a whole governed directly through legislation, where popular sovereignty was indivisible and inalienable. However, he also stated that people often did not know their “true will” and that a true society would only occur when a great leader (“the legislator”) was born to change people`s values and customs, probably through the strategic use of religion. The central assertion that the theory of the social contract is getting closer is that the law and the political order are not natural, but human creations. The social contract and the political order it creates are simply the means to achieve an end – the usefulness of the people concerned – and only to the extent that they are part of the agreement. Hobbes argued that the government was not a party to the original treaty and that citizens were not obliged to submit to the government if it was too weak to act effectively to suppress fractionism and civil unrest. According to other theorists of the social contract, if the government fails to safeguard its natural rights (Locke) or to satisfy the best interests of society (called “general will” by Rousseau), citizens can withdraw their duty of respect or change of direction through elections or other means, including, if necessary, violence. Locke believed that natural rights were inalienable, which is why God`s reign replaced the authority of government, while Rousseau believed that democracy (autocracy) was the best way to guarantee well-being while preserving individual freedom under the rule of law. The concept of a social contract was invoked in the U.S.
Declaration of Independence. The social theories of contracts were eclipsed in the 19th century in favour of utilitarianism, hegelianism and Marxism; they were revived in the 20th century, notably in the form of a thought experiment by John Rawls.  The philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau spread the idea of the social contract in the 1700s, but it is now just as applicable.